Largest thing for me would be Netflix, if that’s at least kept its probably another task to chalk up for me.
From memory lots of streaming services have reduced functionality when running custom roms on phones; but it’s been a hot minute since I’ve done such.
Running 50 on one machine, four on my fileserver and another on a hacked up hp eliteone (no screen) which runs my 3d printer. Believe my immich container is a nspawn under nixos too.
Some are a wip but the majority are in use. Mostly internal services with a couple internet facing, I’ve got a good backlog of work to do on some with some refactoring my nixos configs for many too 😅.
From my Erying ES system:
Not your traditional TVs but look and see if you can get some TVs aimed at venues / advertising. I can see an LG IPS display, 98 inch for sub 10k AUD including shipping (98UM5J-B).
Phillips, LG, Samsung and others offer commercial panels without the rubbish that consumer panels are infected with these days.
This is actually pretty minimal in Australia (as someone who has worked in Hospitality for 20+ years)
Very few venues actually require this to enter, the majority check at the door or once you ae inside the venue.
Edit: Some owners of multiple venues have rolled these systems out in the past that I’ve seen, generally ones that have seen a rise in patron issues. Its handy that if someone has caused issues in one place they won’t get allowed into another; but it’s not worth the privacy risk in my eyes.
Yeah the LEDs were always handy to have, and the coloured notifications on the trackball (nexus 1) with a third party app was super cool at the time. My trackball after a few years got pretty dirty and didn’t want to clean with chemicals in fear of damaging it.
Currently using a Nothing (3) which is somewhat similar with the small led display on the back.
Nexus one had the trackball, the hero had a sensor or did both? IDK it’s been some years since I still had my nexus one. Maybe I’m thinking of the HTC Desire with the sensor.
I do remember running the original version(s) of MIUI on my nexus one, ahh simpler times.
Or Grayjay, I found NewPipe / other frontends had their fair share of issues while I was using them. Their desktop app however I’ve not used as it was failing to build on my NixOS machines.
“From the ID 2all onwards, we will have physical buttons for the five most important functions – the volume, the heating on each side of the car, the fans and the hazard light – below the screen,”
Climate controls are one but sure, five most important functions. Honestly rip out the touch screen, implement buttons just as they had been previously then add the display; preferably with a decent HID as Mazda have done.
I’m still driving a mk6 golf and really can’t imagine not having easy access to those features.
I’d been a windows user since the DOS / 3.1 days and converted to Linux maybe 2~ years ago. I’ve found that I’m able to tailor the desktop experience (on desktop / laptop) to exactly what I need. No shitware getting in the way or annoying bundled programs.
My laptop has decent battery life and standby gives me no issues, perfect in my eyes.
I can’t stand windows anymore, and I’m not one to lash out and buy a macbook to just experience another desktop enviornment / user experience.
Admittedly there isnt any professional use just browsing / games with some codium usage.
By 2010, Merrill had won the right to publicly name himself as the NSL’s recipient. By 2015 he’d beaten the gag order entirely and released the full letter with only the target’s name redacted. But Merrill and the ACLU never got the Supreme Court precedent they wanted from the case. Instead, the Patriot Act itself was amended to reign in NSLs’ unconstitutional powers.
In the meantime, those years of endless bureaucratic legal struggles had left Merrill disillusioned with judicial or even legislative action as a way to protect privacy. Instead, he decided to try a different approach. “The third way to fight surveillance is with technology,” he says. “That was my big realization.”
So, just after Merrill won the legal right to go public with his NSL battle in 2010, he founded the Calyx Institute, a nonprofit that shared a name with his old ISP but was instead focused on building free privacy tools and services. The privacy-focused version of Google’s Android OS it would develop, designed to strip out data-tracking tools and use Signal by default for calls and texts, would eventually have close to 100,000 users. It ran servers for anonymous, encrypted instant messaging over the chat protocol XMPP with around 300,000 users. The institute also offered a VPN service and ran servers that comprised part of the volunteer-based Tor anonymity network, tools that Merrill estimates were used by millions.
As he became a cause célèbre and then a standout activist in the digital privacy world over those years, Merrill says he started to become aware of the growing problem of untrustworthy cellular providers in an increasingly phone-dependent world. He’d sometimes come across anti-surveillance hard-liners determined to avoid giving any personal information to cellular carriers, who bought SIM cards with cash and signed up for prepaid plans with false names. Some even avoided cell service altogether, using phones they connected only to Wi-Fi. “Eventually those people never got invites to any parties,” Merrill says.
All these schemes, he knew, were legal enough. So why not a phone company that only collects minimal personal information—or none—from its normal, non-extremist customers? As early as 2019, he had already consulted with lawyers and incorporated Phreeli as a company. He decided on the for-profit startup route after learning that the 501c3 statute can’t apply to a telecom firm. Only last year, he finally raised $5 million, mostly from one angel investor. (Merrill declined to name the person. Naturally, they value their privacy.)
Building a system that could function like a normal phone company—and accept users’ payments like one—without storing virtually any identifying information on those customers presented a distinct challenge. To solve it, Merrill consulted with Zooko Wilcox, one of the creators of Zcash, perhaps the closest thing in the world to actual anonymous cryptocurrency. The Z in Zcash stands for “zero-knowledge proofs,” a relatively new form of crypto system that has allowed Zcash’s users to prove things (like who has paid whom) while keeping all information (like their identities, or even the amount of payments) fully encrypted.
For Phreeli, Wilcox suggested a related but slightly different system: so-called “zero-knowledge access passes.” Wilcox compares the system to people showing their driver’s license at the door of a club. “You’ve got to give your home address to the bouncer,” Wilcox says incredulously. The magical properties of zero knowledge proofs, he says, would allow you to generate an unforgeable crypto credential that proves you’re over 21 and then show that to the doorman without revealing your name, address, or even your age. “A process that previously required identification gets replaced by something that only requires authorization,” Wilcox says. “See the difference?”
The same trick will now let Phreeli users prove they’ve prepaid their phone bill without connecting their name, address, or any payment information to their phone records—even if they pay with a credit card. The result, Merrill says, will be a user experience for most customers that’s not very different from their existing phone carrier, but with a radically different level of data collection.
As for Wilcox, he’s long been one of that small group of privacy zealots who buys his SIM cards in cash with a fake name. But he hopes Phreeli will offer an easier path—not just for people like him, but for normies too.
“I don’t know of anybody who’s ever offered this credibly before,” says Wilcox. “Not the usual telecom-strip-mining-your-data phone, not a black-hoodie hacker phone, but a privacy-is-normal phone.”
Even so, enough tech companies have pitched privacy as a feature for their commercial product that jaded consumers may not buy into a for-profit telecom like Phreeli purporting to offer anonymity. But the EFF’s Cohn says that Merrill’s track record shows he’s not just using the fight against surveillance as a marketing gimmick to sell something. “Having watched Nick for a long time, it’s all a means to an end for him,” she says. “And the end is privacy for everyone.”
Merrill may not like the implications of describing Phreeli as a cellular carrier where every phone is a burner phone. But there’s little doubt that some of the company’s customers will use its privacy protections for crime—just as with every surveillance-resistant tool, from Signal to Tor to briefcases of cash.
Phreeli won’t, at least, offer a platform for spammers and robocallers, Merrill says. Even without knowing users’ identities, he says the company will block that kind of bad behavior by limiting how many calls and texts users are allowed, and banning users who appear to be gaming the system. “If people think this is going to be a safe haven for abusing the phone network, that’s not going to work,” Merrill says.
But some customers of his phone company will, to Merrill’s regret, do bad things, he says—just as they sometimes used to with pay phones, that anonymous, cash-based phone service that once existed on every block of American cities. “You put a quarter in, you didn’t need to identify yourself, and you could call whoever you wanted,” he reminisces. “And 99.9 percent of the time, people weren’t doing bad stuff.” The small minority who were, he argues, didn’t justify the involuntary societal slide into the cellular panopticon we all live in today, where a phone call not tied to freely traded data on the caller’s identity is a rare phenomenon.
“The pendulum has swung so far in favor of total information awareness,” says Merrill, using an intelligence term of the Bush administration whose surveillance order set him on this path 21 years ago. “Things that we used to be able to take for granted have slipped through our fingers.”
“Other phone companies are selling an apartment that comes with no curtains—where the windows are incompatible with curtains,” Merrill says. “We’re trying to say, no, curtains are normal. Privacy is normal.”
3/3
Even if users choose the less paranoid side of that spectrum of options, Merrill argues, his company will still be significantly less surveillance-friendly than existing phone companies, which have long represented one of the weakest links in the tech world’s privacy protections. All major US cellular carriers comply, for instance, with law enforcement surveillance orders like “tower dumps” that hand over data to the government on every phone that connected to a particular cell tower during a certain time. They’ve also happily, repeatedly handed over your data to corporate interests: Last year the Federal Communications Commission fined AT&T, Verizon, and T-Mobile nearly $200 million for selling users’ personal information, including their locations, to data brokers. (AT&T’s fine was later overturned by an appeals court ruling intended to limit the FCC’s enforcement powers.) Many data brokers in turn sell the information to federal agencies, including ICE and other parts of the DHS, offering an all-too-easy end run around restrictions on those agencies’ domestic spying.
Phreeli doesn’t promise to be a surveillance panacea. Even if your cellular carrier isn’t tying your movements to your identity, the operating system of whatever phone you sign up with might be. Even your mobile apps can track you.
But for a startup seeking to be the country’s most privacy-focused mobile carrier, the bar is low. “The goal of this phone company I’m starting is to be more private than the three biggest phone carriers in the US. That’s the promise we’re going to massively overdeliver on,” says Merrill. “I don’t think there’s any way we can mess that up.”
Merrill’s not-entirely-voluntary decision to spend the last 20-plus years as a privacy diehard began with three pages of paper that arrived at his office on a February day in New York in 2004. An FBI agent knocked on the door of his small internet service provider firm called Calyx, headquartered in a warehouse space a block from the Holland Tunnel in Manhattan. When Merrill answered, he found an older man with parted white hair, dressed in a trench coat like a comic book G-man, who handed him an envelope.
Merrill opened it and read the letter while the agent waited. The first and second paragraphs told him he was hereby ordered to hand over virtually all information he possessed for one of his customers, identified by their email address, explaining that this demand was authorized by a law he’d later learn was part of the Patriot Act. The third paragraph informed him he couldn’t tell anyone he’d even received this letter—a gag order.
Then the agent departed without answering any of Merrill’s questions. He was left to decide what to do, entirely alone.
Merrill was struck immediately by the fact that the letter had no signature from a judge. He had in fact been handed a so-called National Security Letter, or NSL, a rarely seen and highly controversial tool of the Bush administration that allowed the FBI to demand information without a warrant, so long as it was related to “national security.”
Calyx’s actual business, since he’d first launched the company in the early ’90s with a bank of modems in the nonfunctional fireplace of a New York apartment, had evolved into hosting the websites of big corporate customers like Mitsubishi and Ikea. But Merrill used that revenue stream to give pro bono or subsidized web hosting to nonprofit clients he supported like the Marijuana Policy Project and Indymedia—and to offer fast internet connections to a few friends and acquaintances like the one named in this surveillance order.
Merrill has never publicly revealed the identity of the NSL’s target, and he declined to share it with WIRED. But he knew this particular customer, and he certainly didn’t strike Merrill as a national security threat. If he were, Merrill thought, why not just get a warrant? The customer would later tell Merrill he had in fact been pressured by the FBI to become an informant—and had refused. The bureau, he told Merrill, had then retaliated by putting him on the no-fly list and pressuring employers not to hire him. (The FBI didn’t respond to WIRED’s request for comment on the case.)
Merrill immediately decided to risk disobeying the gag order—on pain of what consequences, he had no idea—and called his lawyer, who told him to go to the New York affiliate of the American Civil Liberties Union, which happened to be one of Calyx’s web-hosting clients. After a few minutes in a cab, Merrill was talking to a young attorney named Jameel Jaffer in the ACLU’s Financial District office. “I wish I could say that we reassured him with our expertise on the NSL statute, but that’s not how it went down,” Jaffer says. “We had never seen one of these before.”
Merrill, meanwhile, knew that every lawyer he showed the letter to might represent another count in his impending prosecution. “I was terrified,” he says. “I kind of assumed someone could just come to my place that night, throw a hood over my head, and drag me away.”
Despite his fears, Merrill never complied with the FBI’s letter. Instead, he decided to fight its constitutionality in court, with the help of pro bono representation from the ACLU and later the Yale Media Freedom and Information Access Clinic. That fight would last 11 years and entirely commandeer his life.
Merrill and his lawyers argued that the NSL represented an unconstitutional search and a violation of his free-speech rights—and they won. But Congress only amended the NSL statute, leaving the provision about its gag order intact, and the legal battle dragged out for years longer. Even after the NSL was rescinded altogether, Merrill continued to fight for the right to talk about its existence. “This was a time when so many people in his position were essentially cowering under their desks. But he felt an obligation as a citizen to speak out about surveillance powers that he thought had gone too far,” says Jaffer, who represented Merrill for the first six years of that courtroom war. “He impressed me with his courage.”
Battling the FBI took over Merrill’s life to the degree that he eventually shut down his ISP for lack of time or will to run the business and instead took a series of IT jobs. “I felt too much weight on my shoulders,” he says. “I was just constantly on the phone with lawyers, and I was scared all the time.”
2/3
Article without the paywall / x article per y limit:
A New Anonymous Phone Carrier Lets You Sign Up With Nothing but a Zip Code
Andy Greenberg
19 - 23 minutes
Nicholas Merrill has spent his career fighting government surveillance. But he would really rather you didn’t call what he’s selling now a “burner phone.”
Yes, he dreams of a future where anyone in the US can get a working smartphone—complete with cellular coverage and data—without revealing their identity, even to the phone company. But to call such anonymous phones “burners” suggests that they’re for something illegal, shady, or at least subversive. The term calls to mind drug dealers or deep-throat confidential sources in parking garages.
With his new startup, Merrill says he instead wants to offer cellular service for your existing phone that makes near-total mobile privacy the permanent, boring default of daily life in the US. “We’re not looking to cater to people doing bad things,” says Merrill. “We’re trying to help people feel more comfortable living their normal lives, where they’re not doing anything wrong, and not feel watched and exploited by giant surveillance and data mining operations. I think it’s not controversial to say the vast majority of people want that.”
That’s the thinking behind Phreeli, the phone carrier startup Merrill launched today, designed to be the most privacy-focused cellular provider available to Americans. Phreeli, as in, “speak freely,” aims to give its user a different sort of privacy from the kind that can be had with end-to-end encrypted texting and calling tools like Signal or WhatsApp. Those apps hide the content of conversations, or even, in Signal’s case, metadata like the identities of who is talking to whom. Phreeli instead wants to offer actual anonymity. It can’t help government agencies or data brokers obtain users’ identifying information because it has almost none to share. The only piece of information the company records about its users when they sign up for a Phreeli phone number is, in fact, a mere ZIP code. That’s the minimum personal data Merrill has determined his company is legally required to keep about its customers for tax purposes.
By asking users for almost no identifiable information, Merrill wants to protect them from one of the most intractable privacy problems in modern technology: Despite whatever surveillance-resistant communications apps you might use, phone carriers will always know which of their customers’ phones are connecting to which cell towers and when. Carriers have frequently handed that information over to data brokers willing to pay for it—or any FBI or ICE agent that demands it with a court order
Merrill has some firsthand experience with those demands. Starting in 2004, he fought a landmark, decade-plus legal battle against the FBI and the Department of Justice. As the owner of an internet service provider in the post-9/11 era, Merrill had received a secret order from the bureau to hand over data on a particular user—and he refused. After that, he spent another 15 years building and managing the Calyx Institute, a nonprofit that offers privacy tools like a snooping-resistant version of Android and a free VPN that collects no logs of its users’ activities. “Nick is somebody who is extremely principled and willing to take a stand for his principles,” says Cindy Cohn, who as executive director of the Electronic Frontier Foundation has led the group’s own decades-long fight against government surveillance. “He’s careful and thoughtful, but also, at a certain level, kind of fearless.”
Nicholas Merrill with a copy of the National Security Letter he received from the FBI in 2004 ordering him to give up…
Nicholas Merrill with a copy of the National Security Letter he received from the FBI in 2004, ordering him to give up data on one of his customers. He refused, fought a decade-plus court battle—and won.
Photograph: Yael Malka
More recently, Merrill began to realize he had a chance to achieve a win against surveillance at a more fundamental level: by becoming the phone company. “I started to realize that if I controlled the mobile provider, there would be even more opportunities to create privacy for people,” Merrill says. “If we were able to set up our own network of cell towers globally, we can set the privacy policies of what those towers see and collect.”
Building or buying cell towers across the US for billions of dollars, of course, was not within the budget of Merrill’s dozen-person startup. So he’s created the next best thing: a so-called mobile virtual network operator, or MVNO, a kind of virtual phone carrier that pays one of the big, established ones—in Phreeli’s case, T-Mobile—to use its infrastructure.
The result is something like a cellular prophylactic. The towers are T-Mobile’s, but the contracts with users—and the decisions about what private data to require from them—are Phreeli’s. “You can’t control the towers. But what can you do?” he says. “You can separate the personally identifiable information of a person from their activities on the phone system.”
Signing up a customer for phone service without knowing their name is, surprisingly, legal in all 50 states, Merrill says. Anonymously accepting money from users—with payment options other than envelopes of cash—presents more technical challenges. To that end, Phreeli has implemented a new encryption system it calls Double-Blind Armadillo, based on cutting-edge cryptographic protocols known as zero-knowledge proofs. Through a kind of mathematical sleight of hand, those crypto functions are capable of tasks like confirming that a certain phone has had its monthly service paid for, but without keeping any record that links a specific credit card number to that phone. Phreeli users can also pay their bills (or rather, prepay them, since Phreeli has no way to track down anonymous users who owe them money) with tough-to-trace cryptocurrency like Zcash or Monero.
Phreeli users can, however, choose to set their own dials for secrecy versus convenience. If they offer an email address at signup, they can more easily recover their account if their phone is lost. To get a SIM card, they can give their mailing address—which Merrill says Phreeli will promptly delete after the SIM ships—or they can download the digital equivalent known as an eSIM, even, if they choose, from a site Phreeli will host on the Tor anonymity network.
Phreeli’s “armadillo” analogy—the animal also serves as the mascot in its logo—is meant to capture this sliding scale of privacy that Phreeli offers its users: Armadillos always have a layer of armor, but they can choose whether to expose their vulnerable underbelly or curl into a fully protected ball.
1/3
Really sounds like the back story repeating itself again with another name.
This Wired article:
Nicholas Merrill has spent his career fighting government surveillance. But he would really rather you didn’t call what he’s selling now a “burner phone.”
From Wikipedia:
Around the same time, the San Diego FBI branch had been working with a person, known by the pseudonym “Afgoo”,[4] who had been developing a “next-generation” encrypted device for use by criminal networks. The person was facing charges and cooperated with the FBI in exchange for a reduced sentence.
Missed the self hosted install:
https://docs.aliasvault.net/installation/
Might investigate this further as I’ve wanted to move passwords to another solution and leave passkeys / 2fa via KeePass.
David McAfee
November 20, 2025 2:49PM ET
Shutterstock
Trump administration insiders are furious over reporting that the U.S. Coast Guard, which is part of the Department of Homeland Security, will no longer classify the swastika as a symbol of “hate.”
According to the Washington Post, the branch of military service has decided that swastikas and nooses are considered “potentially divisive” but not hateful.
As the news outlet reports, “The U.S. Coast Guard will no longer classify the swastika, an emblem of fascism and white supremacy inextricably linked to the murder of millions of Jews and that more than 400,000 U.S. troops who died fighting against in World War II, as a hate symbol, according to a new policy that takes effect next month.”
ALSO READ: This dark addiction has taken over — and threatens to end our republic
The report continues:
“Instead, the Coast Guard will classify the Nazi-era insignia as ‘potentially divisive’ under its new guidelines. The new policy, set to take effect Dec. 15, similarly downgrades the definition of nooses and the Confederate flag, though display of the latter remains banned, according to documents reviewed by The Washington Post.”
The Post also reports, “Certain historic displays or artwork where the Confederate flag is a minor element are still permissible, according to the policy.”
“Though the Coast Guard is not part of the Defense Department, the service has been reworking its policies to align with the Trump administration’s changing tolerances for hazing and harassment within the U.S. military,” the report states. “In September Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth directed a review and overhaul of those policies, calling the military’s existing standards ‘overly broad’ and saying they jeopardize U.S. troops’ combat readiness.”
Trump Homeland Security official Tricia McLaughlin rejected the claims made without being specific.
“This is an absolute ludicrous lie and unequivocally false. The @washingtonpost should be embarrassed it published this fake crap,” she wrote. Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr., shared her post.
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All their smart lights are tuya, or at least the ones that I have. The esp are swappable but are soldered to the boards and their a pain to open but can be done.
I purchased some of their downlughts to add another project to the pile and to feed my curiosity.
I’d dare say the easier method, from memory the p6 should have a charge limit in the stock firmware.
I’ve not an old Samsung s10+ kicking around with corrupted firmware, should really take a look at it and see if it can be up and running again. Not that I need more cores, ram, cameras or any additions to my equipment but just because.
It fassinates me that consumer hardware, and low power at that goes wasted so often. So many small form factor devices such as phones, with built in ups aren’t being leveraged. But I guess that comes down to proprietary binary blobs and developer work on a per device basis.
I might have to investigate what platforms mobile nixos supports and see if it’s cheap enough to dabble with.
Several minute delay? Have you considered running Frigate for your detections?
My services are quite small (static website, forgejo and a couple more services) but see no performance issues.